<\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\n\nRegardless of my field of training, I have been involved in politics for the better future of the Congo since the nineteen sixties. During my university studies, I also studied issues related to democratic transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I coordinate the \u201cTransitional Executive Corps\u201d or \u201cC E T\u201d think tank and action group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In twenty sixteen, we proposed to the Congolese elites to suspend the costly and poorly initiated democratization process and introduce a period of technocratic transition. Ten years after our proposal, the state of decay of the nation proves that the concept of the transitional executive remains relevant.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Transitional Executive Corps, C E T, positions itself today as a laboratory of ideas, an institutional architecture firm, and the future spearhead of the refunding of the Republic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
We are not asking you to become politicians. We ask you to bring your expertise, your rationality, and your work method to draft with us the detailed specifications for these forty-eight months of public safety.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The tragic error of the intellectual elite, repeatedly made since nineteen sixty, was to believe that a so-called democratic election is able to creates a democratic State, whereas it is the State apparatus, its institutions, its neutral administration, and its monopoly on legitimate violence that must precede and guarantee the fair election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The classic partisan approach often proves powerless in post-conflict states or those in deep legitimacy crises because premature electoral competition exacerbates divisions, awakens primordialism, and prevents the emergence of true national citizenship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
That is why the idea of suspending political competition in favor of a technocratic and apolitical refunding of the nation appears to be the most rational response to restore the nation ‘s centripetal forces.<\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\n\nThe mechanics of such an approach would require four fundamental pillars.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
First a clinical diagnosis: before rebuilding, it is imperative to take a cold and objective look at the failure of the State apparatus without the filters or complacency of political alliances.<\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\n\nSecond, a rigorous temporal parenthesis: Refunding requires a defined horizon, for example, a strict transition period of forty-eight months, dedicated exclusively to restoring sovereign authority and establishing a functional administration shielded from electoral pressures.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Third, the mobilization of a silent elite: This institutional engineering work cannot be led by traditional partisan actors, who are often compromised or held captive by their clients.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It requires the awakening and commitment of honest intellectuals and technocrats capable of envisioning rebuilding solely through the lens of efficiency and the public interest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fourth, a dialogue for rebuilding. It is not about organizing yet another division and sharing political pie, but about bringing together vital forces to redefine the very idea of the State and the obligations of citizenship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Suspending politics to save the State is a bold move, but an essential one when the very foundations of sovereignty are corrupt or non-existent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, a major challenge immediately arises on this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
How can the legitimacy of such a transitional technocratic body be initiated and established in the face of a traditional political class that will do everything to sabotage this initiative and protect its privileges?<\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\n\nWe must therefore mobilize behind the CET to meet this historic challenge because it is the survival of the nation that is at stake.<\/gwmw><\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/gwmw><\/p>\n\n\t\t
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